Sherman provides ample evidence to support his findings and uses the two settings effectively to consider the effects of organizational structures on interaction strategies. Relying mainly on participant observation, it makes only fleeting references to “back of the house” workers, those whose work is most often invisible and whose social position is subordinated to the rest of the staff. His project, therefore, is not so much an organizational ethnography as a study of the class encounter, codified in organizational contexts. Scholars of class inequality, work, and organizations will therefore find this book useful. The same could be done by those who deal with labor relations in a service economy that has mostly resisted union organizing. How, for example, might challenges to the relationship between workers and guests provide a critique of class subordination? How might such a challenge influence broader political processes? Sherman can only speculate about the implications of his findings. Its focus on the micro level, however, suggests some directions for the analysis of class-based rights in the service