Myanmar is one of the most ethnically diverse and rich in national resources that are key drivers of complexity and conflict in village. Under the 2008 constitution, seven ethnic minority states were demarcated: Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Mon, Rakhine, Shan and seven divisions, in which Myanmar, the majority of the population largely resides. Multiple conflicts occur in these ethnic minority states due to power sharing and mistrust. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get Original Essay Furthermore, the same issue between majorities and minorities created greed and resentment that had been rooted since the 1947 Panlong Agreement, the important dialogue between Myanmar and ethnic groups for internal peace and independence. Among the ethnic conflicts in Myanmar, the Kachin conflict is still unresolved and hindered in the peace process. The armed conflict between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Myanmar Army erupted sixty years ago. In 2014, the clash between two armies resulted in thousands of injuries and deaths and more than 100,000 internally displaced people. Furthermore, two cases of sexual violence on two young Kachin teachers which occurred on 19 January 2015, intensified the conflict because Kachin requested the intervention of the Myanmar military but there was still no acceptable action. Recently, there is an ongoing clash between the KIA and the Myanmar Army in Shan and Kachin States. The first peace dialogue stalled in 1997 due to mistrust between the majority and minority groups, and the fight resumed in 2011. Currently, Myanmar has resumed the peace process, but is in trouble. it had yet to sign a ceasefire agreement with KIA. Therefore, it is important to study the deep-rooted problems between the Kachin and the majority, Myanmar. The Kachin live mainly in the northern part of Myanmar, bordering China, while the other large Kachin populations are found in northern Shan State. They speak dozens of distinct languages ​​belonging to the “Tibeto-Burman language family” and are largely devoted to Christianity (Ekeh, 2007, pp.4). Kachin State is rich in “economic potential: forestry, jade, gold and other natural resources, but has suffered greatly from more than three decades of conflict” (Smith, 2010, pp.16). In 1961, “Kachin Independent Organization (KIO)” was established on the basis of claiming secession rights and then Kachin State became the one of the largest ethnic armed conflicts in the country (Smith, 2010, pp.16). The first ceasefire agreement was signed in 1994 recognizing armed groups that did not respect the ceasefire as domestic offenders in border areas (Holliday, 2013, pp.97). As Kachin State gradually developed after the ceasefire agreement, “Chinese mega-investment projects such as Myitsone Dam and jade mining projects” have become a social and environmental threat to Kachin Land and have stirred animosity among the Kachin public (The Irrawaddy, June 9, 2015). According to Irrawaddy News, tension between the KIA and the government arose after the government's 2010 order to transform itself into a border guard force under the central command of the government army. On 9 June 2011, the violent attack between two forces broke out and more than “100,000 civilians, mostly ethnic Kachin, Shan and Lisu, were displaced in the months following the outbreak of the conflict” (Irrawaddy, 2015; Holliday, 2013, pp .96). The culmination of this armed conflict occurred between the end of 2012 and the beginning of 2013 with the surprise attack by the US Air ForceMyanmar against the Kachin armed groups and civil conflict also broke out in the north of Shan State where the Kachin population resides (Holliday, 2013, pp .96). Meanwhile, the government has resumed peace dialogue with ethnic armed groups, but ongoing clashes, particularly with Kachin armed groups, have aggravated the conflicts, making it impossible to reach a ceasefire agreement. According to a interview with Gum San Nsang, president of the Kachin Alliance, a network of Kachin communities and organizations that defends the rights of the Kachin ethnic nationality, political compromise was not reached and the ceasefire was impossible due to the air attack by the government troops. strikes by 23 Kachin cadets on November 19, 2014, the upcoming Kachin Union Day celebration (Wagley, 2015, pp.2). Furthermore, cases of sexual violence against two young Kachin teachers on January 19, 2015, have intensified the conflict because the Kachins have called for the Myanmar military to intervene but no acceptable action has yet taken place (Irrawaddy, January 20 2015). As a result, distrust, hatred and animosity among the Kachin population are increasing. “Seven armed ethnic groups” and the government agreed to sign the “National Ceasefire Agreement (NCA)” on October 15, 2015, despite the other “eight groups” including the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) abstained from the initial agreement (Channel Newsasia, 2015). “Opponents say the continued exclusion of three groups engaged in the ongoing conflict with the government – ​​the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Arakan Army – is the main reason for their abstention” (Kha and Nyein, 5 October 2015). This is the result of two years of negotiations between the government and ethnic groups, but challenges remain in reaching a real peace agreement with all ethnic groups, including the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), which “refuses to sign the agreement and [is] still engaged in clashes with government troops” (Parameswaran, 2015). Regarding the recent exclusive interview between the Irrrawaddy and General Gun Maw of the KIA, General Gun Maw stated that "we share the same goal of introducing federalism and ask for all inclusions, but we have not seen any yet" ( Kha and Neyin, 2015). Furthermore, he underlined that “the clashes have become more intense. If the government wants to fight us because we do not sign the National Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), we will have no choice but to defend ourselves.” It took more than sixty years for the dispute (disagreement) between the two sides to resolve, but it cannot break free from this cycle of conflict. Ensuring an all-encompassing and sustainable peace will take time and will not be easy depending on detailed negotiations on “separation of forces, a monitoring and verification mechanism, and dialogue on political issues” (International Crisis Group, 2013, pp.2). Without further progress, the stability and development of the Kachin State will not be guaranteed and a resumption of armed conflicts between the Kachin and the government is possible. Furthermore, the 2015 general elections will be held on 8 November and voting patterns in conflict-affected areas are facing challenges due to ongoing clashes, especially between the government army and Kachin armed groups. Therefore, the peace process in Myanmar is not only important for nation-building, but also for the future of the country itself. Therefore, it is important to analyze the underlying cause (disunity and mistrust) of the conflict, especially between Kachin and the (ruling Myanmar) government. Disunity and mistrust between majority and minorities Myanmar was colonized by the British Empire from “1885 to 1948” (Steinberg , 2010, p. 27). UnderBritish occupation, Myanmar (Burma) was practiced according to the policy of "divide and rule" and was governed in two separate territories: "Ministerial Burma", where the majority, Burmese/Myanmar, predominated, and the "frontier areas ", where most of the ethnic groups/hill people lived (Smith, 2002, pp.6). U Ba Swe, a Burmese prime minister in the 1950s, claimed that the British introduced Christianity and external cultures to the hill people “in order to separate them culturally from the Burmese (Smith, 2002, pp. 7). The British governed different contexts of political and economic development between the two territories and enforced ethnic diunity and mistrust between majority and minority. After the war, many ethnic groups, including the “Kachin”, demanded separation from the Union. In other words, ethnic minorities including Kachin, Chin and Shan competed for the independence of their territory. Initially, the British also planned to grant two-stage independence to ministerial Burma and frontier areas. In a report by Smith (2002), General Aung San, the founding father of Myanmar's independence, worked to restore "inter-community relations" among minority citizens and elicited the sentiments of Kachin, Chin and Shan leaders at the “Panglong Conference in February 1947 for full autonomy in internal administration and the enjoyment of democratic rights and privileges for all ethnic groups” (pp.7). After independence in 1948, the “Communist Party of Burma (CPB) began an insurgency against the central government” as a result of disagreement over power sharing (Raw, 2004, pp.67). Some ethnic minorities took up arms alongside the CPB for “minority rights and local sovereignty due to the development gap, unequal distribution of wealth and power, inadequate communications and infrastructure” (Raw, 2004, pp .67). According to Seng Raw, “ethnic rights and justice” began as a political struggle and developed into distrust and grievances between the majority and minorities (pp.68). In an article by Guan (2007), the different perceptions of minorities and the majority are never indicated. Myanmar perceives that disunity has arisen due to the following factors: the lack of national unity and solidarity as a result of the British “divide and conquer” policy; the assassination of General Aung San who gained full trust and support from ethnic citizens; the responsibility of the Myanmar military to fight insurgents to prevent and protect the territorial integrity of the country; the official name changes from “Burma” given by the British colony to “Myanmar” which refers to all ethnic groups collectively (Guan, 2007, pp. 124-125). In contrast, ethnic minorities have different views. They perceived that “the 1947 Constitution of the Union” did not reflect the “spirit of the Panglong Agreement” (Guan, 2007, pp. 125). At the Panglong Conference, General Aung San convinced ethnic leaders, including Kachin, Chin, and Shan leaders, to work for the union's prosperity by sharing resources, manpower, wealth, and expertise. Furthermore, he firmly stated that “If we are divided, all the national races, each pulling in a different direction, the Union will be torn asunder and we will all be destroyed” (Guan, 2007, pp.125). Unfortunately, this spirit of unity, ethnic identities and equality have been eroded by the death of General Aung San. Furthermore, the government of Myanmar changed the official name of the country, Myanmar in 1989, without the consent of the minority citizens. It is seen as “Burmanization by another name” (Guan, 2007, pp.125). Please note: this is just an example. Get a custom paper from our expert writers now. Get a custom essay,.67).