Law 32 of 2002 requires prospective companies to apply for a license from the Ministry of Social Affairs. A clause in the law prohibits members of trade unions and professional unions from forming any association to carry out activities appropriate to that trade union or profession (Zubaida 1992: 8). The Ministry of Social Affairs can also refuse to set up a company because there is no need or because an existing company performs the same function. Furthermore, the Ministry can also dissolve the board of directors of a company and appoint its own candidates for a maximum period of three years. The position then has control over the company's funds, as well as the ability to merge it with another company. In addition to these requirements, they are also subject to internal governance (Article 34), activities (Article 48), financing (Article 17), tax regime (Article 13) among others (Zubaida, 2002: 7). Despite the powers granted to the Ministry under Law 32, trade unions and professional unions are the pinnacle of public life in Egypt. In particular, the lawyers' union has been at the forefront of campaigning for human rights and the rule of law. As mentioned above by Eddin Ibrahim, worker representation at the public level is a necessary component of civil society. Indeed, Egyptian trade unions are the drivers of formal representation on boards of directors and communication between workers, management and government (Zubaida 2002:8). They also lobby for social welfare benefits for their members and provide an avenue for training and promoting education. However, trade unions and labor unions remain closely tied to the government. Zubaida explains that only the single existing union for each sector remains authorized and the formation of independent unions is halfway done. So far there has been an attempt to combine “Islamic” and “democratic” standards where similarities exist and to test these standards on two Islamic states: Egypt and Saudi Arabia. However, as Saudi Arabian law shows above, an “Islamic State” can interpret the Quran in such a way as to leave no room for genuine freedom of association, freedom of speech, or a community in which its participants can participate. . It is possible to have an Islamic state that does not meet the test, where civil society protests are simply not part of society for cultural and social reasons. The idea that Badawi's father might accuse him of disobeying the Quran may seem foreign to us, but the idea of ​​the need for civil society protest may be equally foreign to Saudi Arabia. We should be cautious about imposing democratic standards on a state that is not suited to democracy